Though we the largest milk producing country in the world, our share in international trade is insignificant, or rather disgraceful 0.01 %. We have a serious handicap while marketing our milk products because of weaknesses in quality of our milk products on one account or the other.

Our product range is very limited, and our milk producers cannot get good prices for their produce because of lack of value addition and poor quality of our products or poor marketing. Even the best of our marketing has become complacent and happily satisfied with current activities. The leadership is clearly lacking vision and is avoiding their responsibilities toward their employers- the milk producers.

Similarly, except for a few plants in private sector, most of the plants in the private sector are unfit to meet the modern hygienic standards. Many of these plants were set up by fly by night operators who saw huge profits when the dairy sector was liberalize and when the prices of commodities like Skim Milk Powder (SMP) and Ghee were high because of huge demands against very limited production.


Now, many of these plants remain closed most of the time and or probably sick-have become burden to our limited financial resources as the investment was mostly bank loans. Some do open sometime during the time of high international prices of SMP. Since these plants had only huge profits in mind, they utilized locally available skills and crude unhygienic design to cut down the capital costs.

Some of them are not worth even to be bathrooms of modern food factories. It therefore obvious that there is an acute need to move to more efficient, more hygienic plants which can give better recoveries, cut down the costs significantly, manufacture improved quality products and are environmentally friendly (energy, water, carbon footprint, pollution etc.). It is also obvious that there are huge challenges and requires monumental efforts and thinking – best of minds – Indian as well as international.

In the light of huge challenging facing this sector, creation of Dairy Infrastructure Development Fund amounting to Rs. 10881 (Rs. 8004 Crores, the loan component to be contributed by NABBARD, Rs 2001 Crores to be raised by eligible End Borrowers, Rs 864 Crores to be contributed by the GOI as Interest Subvention of up to 2.5 % and Rs. 12 Crores as NDDB contribution. On face value this seems to be an excellent idea. The caveat is that this fund would finance only already profitable institutions in 12 states. The processing plants/unions/federations in remaining 7 states who are facing serious problems because of dated technologies, poor quality products, lack of good professionals, absence of new products, bad marketing infrastructure and lack of finance essential to become successful would be denied access to this Fund and would further deteriorate these institutions. The financial health of poor milk producers affiliated to these institutions would deteriorate further without any fault on their part.

This fund would be made available to cooperatives or producers’ institutions and other state related bodies. The processing plants under private sector and farmers depending on such plants for marketing of their produce would therefore be at enhanced disadvantage.


According to National Action Plan for Dairy Development Vision 2022, 48 % of milk produced in India is consumed by the milk producers themselves or sold to non-milk producers in the rural areas. Only remaining 52% of the total production is sold to urban consumers either through cooperative institution (40 % of 52 % i.e. only 40*52/ 100 = 20.8% of total milk produced in India is handled by organized sector. Going into more details we would note that the milk handled by cooperatives, producers’ companies and private sectors are 10.4 %, 0.52 % and 9.88 % respectively of the total milk produced in India. The balance 31.2 % of the total sent to urban market is handled by unorganized channels. In other words, even after 73 years of independence, two Operation Flood programs and one NDP project besides huge investment by states and Department of Dairy & Animal Husbandry, 79.2 % of milk produced in India does not find access to organized sector; the cooperative sector, handling only 10. 92 % and private sector handling 9.88 % of the total milk produced in the country.

The current DIDF would be benefitting only a very small portion of farmers. The poor farmers, not withstanding that they are also poor Indians, in 7 states where the cooperative unions and federations are not financially sound and similarly milk producers under private sector would continue to be denied the government support just because they were unlucky to be born in areas where the cooperative did not or could not reach. Would it not be impacting the fundamental rights of such citizen – to be treated equally and fairly?

Considering the importance of dairy sector for the development of rural sector particularly to provide massive avenue of livelihood to small farmers and land less labor, employment to rural poor, there should be continued/regular reviews and changes to ensure that no opportunity is lost in development of this hugely potential sector.



Recently my friend shared her experience with me, which is worth sharing with everyone out there.

Which is a phone call conversation speaker being my friend (Assistant Professor in a Private college) follows;

Listen Shruti, don’t you think there is something very wrong with our education system? 

What happened? (I asked her)

College allotted me a task during lockdown, where I had to make phone calls to the 12th class and graduate students belonging to commerce and management background to take admission in our college and pursue M.com or MBA. I received a mail from the college having 7 attachments, one of which contained the list of some 1,100 students with their name, field and phone number.

I was supposed to make 70-100 calls each day to convince students to take admission in my college. There were also students in the list who were neither from commerce background nor from management. Earlier I was taking it as unproductive task that college assigned to me which has nothing to do with academics but later I thought I would never get chance to talk to so many students. So I filled myself with optimism and whenever someone picks the calls and tell me he/she is not interested to pursue M.com but MBA, I asked each of them the reason for the same. 

One day I made call and on the other side was a student pursing last semester of B.Sc agriculture, he was curious to investigate more about MBA program. At first I thought, what if this student is just passing time during this lockdown period but later he told me that he had already visited the website of the college to know about the MBA.

My own curiosity increased to the peak to know why this boy and the majority of the students I am contacting are interested in MBA. I asked him “why MBA”? He told me, “this is the only stream available to him which can pay him his father’s money back which he has invested in me so far”.

I asked him, do you know, “what does MBA teaches”?

“No ma’am, I don’t know” he replied. I, absentmindedly told him everything about MBA course. 

In the evening, I was sitting in my room thinking of how our education system has actually murdered to value the academic degrees and practice of learning things by heart. There were times when having a graduate degree meant so much to students and society but now even a Ph.D holder stand in the line of getting selected as a government peon. This is the ground reality which is forcing the youth of our country to migrate to foreign countries. 

Why can’t there be equal demand and supply of students and the jobs? Every child of this country has the right to get education but no government has the right to treat the degrees of students as a sheet of paper. What is the need of opening so many private and public schools and colleges when they cannot make students independent at the end? Should we think it as a trap that every college and university is placing before students? 

Until and unless, the demand and supply is not solved, India will keep losing a precious gem every minute.



In the inauguration of the Rs 650 Crore Buddah Driya rejuvenation project we the residents and environment conscious keepers of the city have seen watershed moment in the polluted history of this water body.

Now the question arises about how well it will be executed, time lines to execute it, monitoring its project implementation and the financial resources to fund this rejuvenation.

Firstly all nature loving and enthusiastic environmentalists deserve the highest accolades for highlighting the apathy of the successive governments towards continuous pollution of this once clear water river by  the dyeing industry, the dairy clusters of Tajpur and Haibowal, by Municipal Corporation by  Direct untreated raw sewerage, Direct raw fecal discharge by the encroachers squatting  alongside its banks as well direct discharge of various toilets made alongside its banks, the solid waste in the form of garbage, fish , chicken  and meat shops bio waste, hosiery industry waste, animal carcasses and large amount of thermocol and plastic waste.


Ludhiana got its sewer lines laid from the early seventies and eighties. Till 2007 total raw sewerage, all industrial and dairy waste of Ludhiana used to be dumped in the Buddah Dariya. The three plants of capacity 111MLD, 48 MLD and 152 MLD were initially set up at Village Bhattian, Jamalpur and Village Balloke respectively in the year 2007 on UASB Technology.  Two  more STPs of 50 MLD and 105 MLD on SBR technology were added at Bhattian and Balloke respectively. 

These three STP’s started functioning with the UASB (Up Flow – Anaerobic Sludge Blanket Reactor) technology and later up gradation to SBR (Sequencing Batch Reactors) Technology was taken up module wise. Still raw sewerage beyond the capacities of the STP’s is flowing into the Buddah River on to river Sutlej. The city still does not have any separate storm water system and during roughly 49 days of rain in a year the sewerage system gets overloaded with rainwater and thus loses efficiency to a considerable extent including silting and choking of sewer lines. In addition throughout the year the Municipal Corporation supplies 280 litres of water per day per person against the national norm of max 235 liters per person per day adding to the load of the sewerage system.

Having highlighted the kind of rampant pollution which this water body faced and still faces we now go little into the background of this man made fiasco and environmental disaster how it reached this monumental stage.

If the Ludhiana city was sans Buddah River no municipal corporation would have dared to discharge the raw sewerage in the underground water or into River Sutlej in the absence of the requisite amount and types of sewerage treatment plants from. So as they say it became a dumping ground of the raw sewerage as the city expanded and even nearby villages were too connected too these sewerage lines which kept discharging untreated sewerage. Dyeing industry misused the river in the absence of CETPs which have recently been constructed and some are yet to be commissioned. The scattered dyeing industry units which are about 40-45 in number will need to be relocated, have in house treatment or can be connected to a chemical effluent treatment plant subsequently.

Even though the electroplating industries are supposedly getting their water treated by a cost per liter of polluted water from a Common Effluent Treatment Plant (CETP) located in the industrial Area , I will leave it to the imagination of the reader  that why an industry will  be keen pay more to get their polluted  water treated – so their lies the hidden input  the electroplating industry does not give all their polluted water for treatment. When I did some research I found almost 50 % of the polluted electroplating industry water does not reach this CETP.

On asking the solution to get 100% water out from industries I was told that they are ready to pay a tax/cess rather than per liter cost of Rs0.75 per liter of polluted water. Meaning thereby a government should pay the agency running the CETP for electroplating industry out of the pollution tax/cess  thus collected rather than the industry accounting for each liter which they deliberately hide to save costs as per normal human greed levels. Meanwhile there are new units coming up which are not on radar of the Pollution Control authorities which has limited manpower resources to track the offenders and if ultimately caught they escape via the corruption route.

This factor I have highlighted because the sewerage water will have a fair amount of pollutants from the electroplating industry flowing into the new treatment plants also despite their own functional CETP.

Besides this the water will have other industrial wastes due to negligence, oversight and deliberate effort resulting from non installation or  old and inefficient  anti pollution treatment gadgets and equipments.

Now coming to Dairy waste problem although there is a provision to have exclusive ETP for the dairy waste but of late the effort has been to grant CLU to the dairy land allotted earlier and locating the dairies at one cluster away from the city to altogether eradicate this particular type of waste from system. Hopefully some solution should come out soon otherwise its biowaste load is a major pollution source pollution as well wastage of ground water as presently  most solid cow dung  waste is washed away in to the sewerage system with high pressure submersible pumps rather than be collected as semisolid and carted away.

WHY SO MUCH EXPENDITURE ON REJUVENATION OF BUDDAH? Now we come to a point why there is so much money being spent on rejuvenation of Buddah River?

 It is not a very factual and accurate statement. Actually it is the outcome of general apathy of the concerned, no planning and bad governance over decades which has brought the situation to this pass. Most of the money is going to be spent upon the up gradation of defunct or old technology based sewerage treatment plants out of which only modules based on SBR technology are functional in one at Bhattian and Balloke whereas Jamalpur is lying totally closed other than just working as a pumpling station of 48 MLD. Now if we look at the scope of the work it includes setting up of two new sewage treatment plants (STPs) with tertiary filtration for treating 285 MLD waste water, two effluent treatment plants for treatment of 6 MLD waste water from two dairy clusters, refurbishment of four existing STPs with the treatment capacity of 418 MLD, infrastructure for the transfer of waste water overflowing into the nullah to the STPs, 10-year operation and maintenance of the entire infrastructure.

If we see for refurbishment of three existing STP’s with the treatment capacity of 418 MLD it will cost around Rs 100 crore which is about 1/5 th of the total project cost and for the new 285 MLD it will cost around Rs 285 crore at the rate of Rs. 1 crore per MLD as per the presentation given by the Local Government Secretary. Therefore a total amount of around Rs. 400 In the name of Buddah River Project will be used for the up gradation which is as it is required as it is because of the technology upgrade has also been put into the project thereby increasing the project cost directly attributable to Buddah Dariya because as per my understanding  If Buddah River was not geographically present there still these three STP’s would have required technical upgrade.

So logically in order to justify the upgrade the sewerage is being lifted and pumped to these STP’s instead of having new STP’s downstream which would have cost less as per the land gradient and wherever it was required to lift the sewerage due to gradient lift pumps could have been used but at a very few points which would have further saved the costs as well  as served the  new colonies and areas which are now being added in south and west of the city and for future expansion as per master plan..

Having written about the cleaning of water that will come into the river from rain and after treatment now let’s see what other issues are there which deform and spoil the physicality and the look of  Buddah Dariya?

We all know that the water mixed from dyeing or other industrial sources will be cleared by CETP’s, Dairy waste by ETP’s, Sewerage by the STP’s but who will stop the various types of  solid waste being thrown into the river as mentioned above. I have demonstrated on the Buddah Dariya the colossal amount of Solid waste being thrown into the river by putting my innovation of Floating Drum Barrier near Twin Railway bridges.


Buddah Dariya’s major problem has been of its demarcation on ground which began  first time on the initiative of Buddah Dariya Task Force Chief Namdhari Satguru Thakur Uday Singh Ji with active support of  the present MC commissioner to find the encroachments, demarcate these and get them cleared is yet to be implemented. If that is done more Micro Forests will come up on the cleared land adjoining its banks.

There is lot of sludge as its banks keep crumbling into the Buddah Dariya adding to the sludge, due to encroachments as well as weathering by rain and floods. (which was previously being  cleared at the cost of Rs 1 Crore approx  every year being paid to a contractor via irrigation branch which now will be done with a Poclain excavator  bought by MC recently will certainly reduce the  costs) . The basic first step  needed is to make its banks firm on both sides along its entire stretch by putting gabions( which are stones tied by wire to stop erosion).

So foremost we need is to take actions  now or may be taken in the phase two of the project is to  make the space around the banks of the river as sacred, fenced ,put up micro forests  including various plants like KHUSS which help in purification of dirty water as we need to realize  that this water after merging with River Sutlej  is being used as drinking water in parts of south Punjab and Rajasthan as well as for irrigation from  where this  enters  our food chain in form of vegetables, fruits and cereals.


The best way to stop solid waste pollution of the Buddah Dariya is to declare the area fenced from the boundary marked to the banks as a NO Man’s Land but for the workers who tend the Micro Forests or other fixtures on both sides of the River however big or small the area may be.In order to check the rampant solid waste throwing into the Buddah River the mere awareness by NCC and NSS volunteers are not going to work.

Even warnings of hefty fines on being caught have not deter the stubborn and habitual offenders. So what is required is that an Environment Safety Task Force in proper uniform comprising of ex servicemen for day and night patrolling the entire Nallah stretch be raised and funded for at least two years duration out of the present funds.


This task force will be empowered to challan and make on spot recoveries so as to break the habit and stop it altogether. Such steps are required if we want the project to deliver results. This task force will certainly augment the safety being imparted to the water body by a 14 km long 10 feet high chain link fence on both the sides of the Buddah Dariya at the cost of Rs10.64 crore under the smart city project.


Coming to finance part the project has got its first installment of Rs 320 crore in the account of Municipal Corporation Ludhiana. A steady flow by putting environment cess of 25 paisa on each litre of petrol and diesel sold in Punjab has been effected. Also revenue realized from revenue receipt at the rate of 25 paisa per rs 100 of revenue earnings has been earmarked for the Present Buddah Dariya Project from the Punjab Infrastructure development fund. After completion of this project the environment fund so collected will be available for its subsequent phases as well as for other environment projects of Punjab. A sum of Rs 55 Crore over 5 years period is also likely to occur from the sale of tapped methane gas by the company project.  

Now coming to monitoring the need is to increase the public participation in the monitoring activity rather than just have only two members from industry and one from the Buddah Dariya Task Force. More public participation can be increased by including all members of the Buddha Dariya task force, NGO’s representatives, public representatives alongside the Buddah Dariya, having representatives from various types of industry who pollute the river directly or indirectly, Dairy industry representatives despite having a minister and

Mayor from the dairy industry, representatives of senior citizen associations who have experience of monitoring such projects. More is the number of the non official members in the monitoring panel better will be the quality and lesser will be the chances of lowering the specifications which tends to lead to low quality and thus  to corruption.

My word on monitoring of this project or for that matter any government project is that “Public Funds utilization should be monitored to ensure optimum utilization by participation of the public in larger number than the number of officials”



The SGPC elections are being inordinately delayed because of the enigmatic understanding between Badal Family and Capt. Amarinder Singh. Their vested mammon interests including their intense Epicurus greed are best served if the SGPC elections are not allowed to happen, under one pretext or the other.

It is pertinent to mention here that Justice S.S Saron (Retd) was appointed as Chief Commissioner, for the conduct of the SGPC elections in October, 2020; but the Punjab Government has failed miserably to provide suitable accommodation to him till date.

The Chief Commissioner cannot assume office in the air and start functioning as such. Its more than three months now that Justice Saron is waiting for an appropriately suitable accommodation.

The earlier office of the Chief Commissioner in Sector-17, Chandigarh was lying in a completely dilapidated condition for more than eleven years, which is now being repaired to house the commission. How much more time will it take to welcome the Chief Commissioner could not be guessed; as the work is being carried on  a notoriously slow  pace with an intention that Gurudwara Chief Commissioner loses as much time as could be possible to begin his scheduled exercise to hold the SGPC elections.

As we all are aware that elections to the SGPC are already inordinately delayed, Sikh Sangat wants the elections to be held as early as possible. Moreover with the appointment of the Chief Commissioner the expectations have become unrestrainable. In deference to the sentiments of the Sikh community Capt. Amarinder Singh should have shown exemplary alacrity and genuine seriousness in providing infrastructure to the Chief Commissioner’s office so that the SGPC elections are held  expediently.

The State Government should have provided an alternate accommodation to the Chief Commissioner in order to make his office functional. But there seems to be a clandestine understanding between Badal family and Capt. Amarinder Singh to delay SGPC election beyond February 2022 when the general election to the Punjab Legislative Assembly is due.

SAD (Badal) is vary of their chances in a given situations because of innumerable alleged negativities of misrule and misutilization of Gurudwara funds, against them. Sikh masses are seriously contemplating to bring about a big change in the management of the Gurudwaras. Once the Badal family loses control of the SGPC they would consequently lose their ability to influence the Sikh masses to shape the future Sikh politics.

The phenomenon would pave the way for the  emergence of  formidable alternative of combined Panthic forces excluding Badal group, would also pose  potential threat to the Congress in the Assembly elections in February 2022 ; therefore Badal’s and Capt. Amarinder Singh, both, are hell bent to delay the SGPC elections by all means in order to serve their  vested political interests.



Walking the Mughal Gardens of Pinjore, 20 km from Chandigarh on the Delhi Shimla highway, one suddenly hears the haunting notes of the flute. Or sometimes a melodious voice floats to the ears. The singer very often cannot be seen for he is hidden behind an arch or sitting in a tiled dry pool. But on a crowded weekend tourists seek out the singer of sad melodies and surround him with requests for more songs.

This bard of a vanishing tribe is called Khan, the fakir poet of Pinjore. Some call him diwana Shayar or the mad poet. Khan looks very much like the romantic poet who has abandoned the world in a frenzy. His hair is matted, there is a far-away glint in his eyes and a mysterious smile on his un shaved face. He carries a flute in his hand and a blanket around his waist. A stray dog whom the Khan has chosen to be friend sits at his feet. Khan chain-smokes, very often joining two or three cigarettes in a single long line.

His poetry is that of longing and separation. The Romantic exile has a sad story. Now in his late forties, Khan was born in Manghot Brahman in the Rawalpindi district of West Punjab. Most of his kith and kin were killed in the 1947 riots and his father died a few years after the partition of the country. For six years he worked as a tea stall contractor in the Jalandhar and Phagwara railway stations. Then he came to Pinjore town and set up a tea shop and married a woman who had been abandoned along with her daughter by her husband. However, a little after the daughter was married off, his wife went away with another man. Khan could not bear the loss and gave up his work and home and took the path of `fakiri’, singing in the garden and eating whatever he got. For years he never used to accept any money but now he takes what the visitors give him and in the evening distributes it to the children, keeping only enough for a meal and a packet of cigarettes.

A cultured conversationalist even though he has received only elementary school education, he says that he came to be known as “Khan” after he staged a play called “Khooni Khan” in the town, playing the lead himself. Khan also acts in the Ramlila and the people of the town love him. He sometimes writes “sehras” for weddings. And though he has been offered jobs including one by the department of cultural affairs, Haryana, which from time to time organises an evening of his poetry in the open-air theatre at Pinjore, Khan refuses them with his favourite couple: “Teri she hanshahi se hamein Kya matlab ai dost. Fakiri ka mazabvbhi kuchh kam nahin hai” (what have I have to do with your kingdom my friend. The charm of abandonment is no less”)

Once in a while his admirers from Chandigarh and Patiala bring him to their homes for an evening of his ghazals which he pens down in `Persian script in tattered notebooks. He will never forget a person he has spoken to and very often wishes to treat his admirers to coffee in some posh restaurant!



Bhupinder Singh Mann, the Bharti Kisan Union national president and All India Kisan Coordination Committee chairman, had recused himself from the four-member committee constituted by the Supreme Court two days ago to resolve the standoff between agitating farmers and the Centre on the three farm laws

“I am recusing myself from the committee and I will always stand with my farmers and Punjab,” Mann said in a statement tweeted by the BKU.

He was one of the four members and the only farmer leader to be appointed by the apex court to resolve the nearly two-month-long farmers’ agitation on Delhi’s borders.

The first president of the Bhartiya Kisan Union (BKU) in Punjab and former Rajya Sabha member Mann is among the four members of the committee the Supreme Court constituted.

Earlier the BKU tweeted, “Bhupinder Singh Mann, ex-MP and national president of BKU and chairman of the All India Kisan Coordination Committee has recused himself from the four-member committee constituted by the Hon’ble Supreme Court.”

It was followed by a statement attributed to Mann that read: “I am thankful to the Hon’ble Supreme Court of India for nominating me in the four-member committee to start dialogue with kisan unions on the three laws brought in by the central government. As a farmer myself and a union leader, in view of the prevailing sentiments and apprehensions among the farm unions and the public in general, I am ready to sacrifice any position offered or given to me so as to not compromise the interests of Punjab and farmers of the country.”

The other members of the court-appointed committee are economists Ashok Gulati, Dr Pramod Kumar Joshi and farmer leader Anil Ghanwat. The committee has been asked by the Supreme Court to submit its report in two months.

Mann’s son Gurpartap Singh Mann, a Punjab Public Service Commission member, confirmed that his father had written the letter but declined further comment.

The farmers have been protesting at borders of Delhi against the farm legislation enacted by Parliament in September last year. So far, eight rounds of talks have taken place between the government and farmers but have failed to resolve the deadlock

A graduate from Baring Union College, Batala, Mann took part in farmers’ struggle in 1984 when the activists heraoed Punjab Raj Bhawan for a week. “Then our demands were including electricity cost incurred on growing wheat and paddy while calculating the minimum support price (MSP) on the two crops. Subsequently, a committee headed by agriculture economist SS Johl was set up to submit a report,” said Mann. The report’s recommendations, however, were never implemented. 

Mann said he hoped to initiate fruitful talks with the farmer outfits after getting a formal communication. 

As chairman of all India Kisan Coordination Committee, Mann in a communication to Prime Minister Narendra Modi in September had raised apprehensions over the MSP regime being done away with. 



Education, which makes no change of betterment in the life of oneself and society, is of no use at all. Education in real sense brings understanding, emotions, empathy and critical thinking and part of education is also the degree of Ph.D. Doctorate (the word came from a Latin word “Docere” means “to teach” and in English it is adopted as doctorate) of philosophy (it is a Greek word “Philosophia” where philo means “Love” and Sophia means “wisdom”)  (Ph.D.) so Ph.D. means to teach love for wisdom. Do we still stand honestly with the meaning of Ph.D? We do not! 

The eligible assistant professors, associate professors and professors in Government institutes, who can serve as guide to the Ph.D aspirants demolish their flying dreams. An aspirant begs such teachers keeping his/her self respect aside so that the teacher agrees to guide him/her for research work but in most of the cases aspirants are given the following replies by the professors.

I do not have any vacant seat, (as there are certain number of specified seats to be allotted) but the reality is the professor lies to the aspirant because the vacant seats are kept reserved for wealthy students.

Submit your resume to me, I will give you a call when suitable (Such calls never come from professors, so, do not waste paper) Recommending other professors and giving their phone number and also states to you to not mention his/her name before the recommended professor ( either the call does not get answered or in case it is picked, they also do not have their precious seat for you) Submit your research proposal and leave. (which is never actually read by them)

Nowadays everyone is running for Ph.D., try some other avenue or start working.

The above mentioned are those professors, who dare not say a direct NO to you, so they make up such excuses and you keep waiting in the hope of ever being called back.

I cannot guide you. (After listening this, you do not stand in their office anymore and do not even manage to ask WHY?)

As a result of above mentioned reason is diversion of Ph.D. aspirants towards Private universities who charge in lakhs. At this age when a youngster should be able to earn, he/she is still dependent on his parents or spouse for Ph.D. fees as in Government institute, scholar in case is JRF (Junior Research Fellowship is eligible for the scholarship but under Private Universities, he/she has to pay). And on the top of it, Ph.D. is going to be made compulsory for being eligible to teach in universities. 

My suggestion (on the behalf of Research scholars and Ph.D aspirants) is to maintain transparency and make those accountable who are eligible to guide 8 scholars and guide 2 scholars and rest 6 scholars run to private universities. This not only make the aspirants doubt their own self but also the quality of research in India is sacrificed. 

Since ages scholars are compelled to forget their individuality before their guide. My question is for what sin are we supposed to do so? With this present condition, Doctorate of Philosophy is losing its charm.



The three new farm bills passed in the Indian Parliament in September month of 2020 would satisfy international big traders and lessen the international pressure to open agriculture to free trade with India – a move to get International recognition.

Currently facing a widespread  from the farmers the three laws reforms — Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, and the Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act intends to Help companies like Reliance, Adani, ITC etc to start rural marketing – a step toward economic centralisation and control. 

These companies would open so called Service centres in each village and buy all the crops and provide and sell all the inputs and services, provide good quality seeds and advice on fertilisers, pesticides, give loans/ open banks and even start entertainment centres etc. and the farmers would be tempted to enter into contracts which would be exceptionally favourable to big corporations. This is a sort of trap for the farmers.

Poor farmers would not understand the language of contracts, and not in position to fight the big corporations

The poor farmers would not even understand the language of contracts and would not be in position to fight the big corporations in cases of disputes.

Over a period of time there would be collectivisation of land. The small farms would be aggregated to form big farms to enable use of mechanical machinery. 

The current boundaries would disappear and farmers would not be even able to recognise their small holdings of lands.

The farmers would lose control of land and move to cities and become poor over a period of time.

There would be instability. The assets/ land/ money would move to the rich and the poor would become poorer. The disparities in wealth distribution and incomes would increase. 


The land use would change and crops which can bring high returns for corporations would be cultivated and food insecurity would increase. 

The science has developed new technologies which would be used to give increased productivity and incomes to farmers over short period of time but these corporations would start narrowing their profits by increasing the costs of inputs and by lowering prices of their crops and would have power to destroy total crop in cases where the farmers try to change their loyalties. Specific Diseases can be created to destroy total crop.

Currently the poor farmers grow all types of crops, small amount of vegetables, some green fodder etc. and are able to survive even during difficult/adverse situations. 

Once they enter into contracts, this would change and they would not be able to do these activities.


Initially the farmer’s income would increase and international media would call the change a great revolution and the government would get acclaim in every media channel but it would not be long that India would become like America, France and Latin American and European countries. Their farms are getting bigger and margins smaller and smaller. All small farmers have been systematically eased out. 

Modi Ji would also get Noble prize/ international food prizes for making revolutionary changes, through the active support of big corporations. 

Removing curb on storage quantities would help exploitation. 

I think all this is happening under pressure from Modi  jee’s financers and international pressure.  India would also boast some of richest men/ women in the world.

I am against current Mandi system and role of middle men but I don’t think the new bills are the solution. I feel it would lead to extensive destruction. 


Any comparison with Amul village market is not correct. In Amul system Of Dairy Development, the majority of marketing is controlled by farmers. As much as 84 to 86 paisa of every rupee obtained from consumers goes to producers. Even profits go to producers. 

In the changed environments, everything would go to Ambani , Adanis, and other powerful corporations. 

AMUL model is the socialist model: fair distribution of money among the people but the proposed model is a ultimate in Capitalistic model- even the land would be under the control of a few rich people. 

MSP is not the real issue – as in my thinking, the farmers incomes would increase in the short run. The productivity and quality of crop would also improve but over a period of time it would be Ambani’s and Adanis and their ilk who would take control of every thing like Jews and farmers would be consistently forced out of farming.

In Punjab , there are not very rich people or corporations nor very poor people. Though middle men are not liked but situation is not as bad as in Maharashtra etc.

The proposed laws are going to have radical changes in economic of Punjab. It would further weaken Sikhs who are able to survive because of their land holdings and earnings from their children working in foreign countries. It would the end of Punjabi culture and beginning of Bania Raj. 

Of course Gujarati would become strong and have a stranglehold over most of North India and Modi jee would continue to be PM / dictator till he is alive or replaced by another clever Gujarati. 

Incidentally who have been the fraudsters in India – Natwar Lal, Harshad Mehta, Nirav Modi, Mehal Chokshi, or people behind some of the biggest scandals; the Mundra scandal, stock market scandal, Teja loan scandal etc. What were their common traits? 

India is now in the midst of biggest scandal. Also it would be interesting to learn where the bills were drafted and who were the people directly connected with their drafting. It would be interesting to follow their professional career.



An enormous peasant movement has sprung up across India against the new agricultural laws, which were recently enacted by the Modi government. The peasant movement that started from Punjab has reached the door steps of New Delhi the main power centre of Indian state and encircled it from all the borders. Hence this peasant movement can rightly be termed as ‘Delhi Kisan Andolan’. The present peasant movement is the largest and most widespread agitation in the history of India.

There have been well-known peasant movements like Telangana, “Pagari Sambhal Jatta” and Pepsu Peasant Movements in India but the present ‘Delhi Peasant Movement’ is unique from the previous movements and has become a ‘janandolàn’ (mass movement)  instead of a peasant movement. This movement has embraced villages, cities, castes, religions, communities, working classes, students, youth, artists, intellectuals, and people from all walks of life. The significance of this movement lies in the fact that people have started taking the ‘Delhi Kisan Andolan’ as a belief (aastha). As the Modi government is deliberately ignoring the genuine demands of the farmers, it is spreading across the country.


First, the Modi government called it the Movement of Punjab farmers. When farmers from Haryana extended their support and whole-heartedly joined hands with their brethren from Punjab, he mutely conceded it as concerning Haryana also. He also tried to limit it to the green revolution areas of Punjab, Haryana, western uttar Pradesh, and Uttrakhand. But as the movements spread to other areas of Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Karnataka, then he tried to play it down as handiwork of opposition parties. 

Usually people get tired of long drawn movements, but the Delhi Kisan Adolan is unique in itself. This peasant movement has shaken the BJP government and its allies. As time goes on, support for the peasant movement is growing across the country. A majority of the Delhi population is coming out in support of this peasant movement, instead of feeling harassed.


In fact, in which manner these three new farm laws have been brought by the Modi government all of sudden during a pandemic, it has raised serious concerns in the minds of people. It is seen as a big blow to destroy the rural economy and the masses dependent on it. These new agricultural laws are seen as a death warrant for the rural sector, especially.

These laws are aimed at dismantling Agricultural Produce Market Committees (APMC) and policy of ensuring minimum support prices for crops. The peasant movement against the new farm laws has garnered huge support at the national and international level. This peasant movement has become the largest movement in Indian history which has pushed the BJP government in a defensive mode. 

In this way, the BJP has been politically exposed in India and international levels and its rank and file in Punjab and Haryana are completely in disarray. The BJP has lost its ground and the farmers’ organizations will not allow the BJP to gain a foothold amongst the masses of Punjab and its adjoining states. The BJP is finding it in a difficult situation to justify the three agriculture laws.


The farmer movement has won a great moral victory due to support and sympathy it received from all the quarters. That is why the BJP government is forced to make proposals for amendments. But the farmers’ organizations are opposing these laws tooth and nail and never accept any modifications until these are repealed. Instead of getting intimidated, they are gearing up the agitation with enthusiasm, vigour and courage.

They do not want this historical unity of the peasants from all states to go in vain. The present stage of the peasant movement has reached a critical juncture. The peasant leaders are creatively adapting to the ever-changing circumstances and are fighting as strong and united as a rock. And they will not compromise beyond repealing the three agricultural laws. The Modi government seems unyielding to repeal these acts because it is backed by Indian big business, foreign corporations and the World Trade Organization. The 13th Ministerial Meeting of the World Trade Organization (WTO), which was held in Bali, Indonesia in 2017, had directed the Government of India to bring new agricultural laws.

Ironically, It was chaired by Shri Kamal Nath, the then commerce minister in the UPA government headed by Dr. Manmohan Singh. Its main agendas were discontinuation of government procurement of agricultural crops for food security, dismantling policy of minimum support prices and subsidies to crops. The main agenda of the Bali meeting was: the Trade Facilitation Treaty, which meant the abolition of tariffs and non-tariff regimes, development of infrastructure for import and export of goods and services and allow free competition in the world. The agenda was accepted by the then UPA government, led by the Indian National Congress.

Therefore, both the BJP and INC are sailing the same boat of Liberalization, privatization and globalization. But the Manmohan Singh government was under immense pressure from its allies at that time. Therefore it had to demand a permanent solution to the Food Security Act to ensure safe storage of food grains, provide minimum support prices for farmers and subsidies as well as continuation of the public distribution system. In the Bali meeting, the United States and other European imperialist powers succeeded to insert a “peace clause” in the resolutions regarding Indian market, but allowed India to provide MSP, continue subsidies and subsidized food grains to the poor population up to December 2017.


According to the World Trade Organization, a maximum of 10 per cent subsidy can be given on the value of agricultural GDP. It is also stipulated that subsidies should not exceed 10 per cent of the average prices of agricultural products in the three years of 1986-1988. The World Trade Organization mandated that the difference between the MSP of a country’s crops should not exceed 10 percent over the prevailing prices in the world market. India is providing subsidies around ten per cent of the world market prices. Developed countries had already increased their subsidies in their countries before 1986-1988 as they knew before the formation of the WTO.

When subsequent WTO rules were enacted, the percentage of subsidies could not exceed the subsidies given between 1986 and 1988. But the developed countries give huge subsidies to their agricultural sector as compared to third world countries. Two-thirds of India’s population is still dependent on agriculture. The government aims to bring 67 per cent of the population under the Food Security Act. Therefore, the Government of India has to ensure food stocks to feed its staved population.

As a result of WTO policies, the farmers’ crisis is deepening in India and millions of farmers are forced to commit suicides, failing to repay debt to moneylenders in India. This is a very grave situation and if minimum food security is to be ensured for the vast population of India, then the Indian government has no option other than to provide MSPs and subsidies and maintain a public distribution system. Failure to do so could lead to the greater unrest among the farmers and toiling but half starved people.

With the commencement of the Doha Round of World Trade Dialogue, the imperialist countries are turning a blind eye to the crisis in the Third World agricultural sector and shifting their own burden onto the shoulders of Third World countries. . The imperialist countries are aware of the compulsions of  the Indian state that it has to buy the farm commodities, pay the MSP and subsidize foodstuffs  to alleviate the current crisis. Therefore, after the start of the Doha Round, the imperialist countries resorted to impose the ‘Trade Facilitation Agreement’ on India and dictating it to stop public procurement of crops. They are pushing for the dismantling of government agencies like FCI. They want privatization of trade of food grains, contract farming for private players, and control on agricultural universities, privatization of research and promotion of agribusiness.


The Government of India has already included proposals made by various committees, under the guidance of Shanta Kumar, Ramesh Chand, SS Johal, SC Gupta etc.  But these commissions and committees, keeping in view the real economic crisis of Indian farmers, could not make recommendations as per the wishes of the regime and the corporate houses of India. After December 31, 2017, India has been under constant pressure from imperialist countries to implement WTO conditions. India needs to make stocks of 55 million tons of food grains for food security, but according to WTO norms, she can store only 10 percent of its total agricultural output. In this way, the agricultural products entering the Indian market will be handed over to local and foreign corporations.

With the exception of Punjab and Haryana paddy and wheat crops, 94 per cent of the country’s crops are already in the hands of private traders. In this way, the farmers of India are suffering the impact of the plunder. The three existing agricultural laws have been brought by the Modi government to serve domestic and foreign corporations as per the instructions of the Imperial countries and World Trade Organization.

Ever since the Indian ruling classes adopted neoliberalism in 1991, the Congress’s UPA and the BJP’s NDA governments have repeatedly tried to pass land acquisition laws to acquire farmers land for contract farming. The imperialist capitalist countries are constantly changing their policies to intensify their plunder. In the past, the imperialist countries plundered the agricultural sector by monopolizing the cost of farming and making super profits. The policy of monopolizing and amending essential commodity laws is being adopted to push the agricultural economy into economic slavery and increase its looting. For this purpose three agriculture laws have been introduced by the Modi government. These three agriculture laws are so injurious for the farmers that they have deprived the farmers of sleep and put them in real danger of losing their land.

States like Punjab and Haryana which have a large network of government markets will be more affected by these laws and they need to struggle to maintain government markets and minimum support prices. In those states where this system of APMC does not exist, they will have to fight for its realisation. In India, a huge platform of coordination committees has been set up to take the struggle against the three farm laws to new heights and this platform needs to be maintained and strengthened. 



There are divergent views about the implications of new farm laws for agriculture sector, especially, Punjab. Some claim that the laws will make markets more efficient, increase competition, strengthen agri-value chains and will benefit the farmers, whereas, others argue that the farmers may ultimately loose by increase in market power of traders and corporates, and through dismantling of MSP and public procurement of food grains. The state may also suffer loss of revenue from market fee and cesses, which may adversely affect agricultural infrastructure and other public expenditure on agriculture and rural development.

The new farm laws: the Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, 2020; Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement of Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, 2020 and Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act, 2020 were passed by the Parliament of India in September 2020 claims to create an ecosystem to provide freedom to farmers and traders to trade, and empower the farmers to engage with agri-business firms and other players of agricultural value chains by providing a national framework for mutual agreements and reducing excessive regulatory restrictions on private business operations by removing basic food items from essential commodities list.

The Punjab Agricultural University, Ludhiana organized a webinar on ‘Farm Sector Laws and their Implications for Punjab Agriculture’ to examine the claims of these laws, their timings, effect on market power, state autonomy, MSP and public procurement, their impact on small farmers and way ahead for the state. Ajay Vir Jakhar, Chairman, Bharat Krishak Samaj (Farmers’ Forum, India) also talked about Union and State relations and the timeliness of the new laws.

He also talked about the structural changes in the system of support to farmers being brought through farm sector laws. Dr Sucha Singh Gill, a renowned economist and Senior Professor, Centre for Research in Rural and Industrial Development (CRRID), talked about the implications of farm laws on Punjab economy and questioned the appropriateness of these laws. Dr PS Birthal, National Professor, National Institute of Agricultural Economics and Policy Research, New Delhi,took the national view, cited success stories in agricultural value chains in Punjab and highlighted the new opportunities under the changed regime. Mr Avtar Singh Dhindsa, a highly-established floriculturist, talked about the step-wise strategy which can be more effectively followed to move Punjab on a sustainable growth path under new laws. More than 200 participants from various state and national level institutes as well as representatives of press and media attended the event.


The discussion focused on understanding various aspects of laws and their implications for Punjab economy. There was a general agreement that the laws were enacted in haste and there should have been broader consultations with the states, farmers and other stakeholders.

Agricultural policies should be the state prerogative because agriculture is not only the state subject but there alsoisgreat diversity in agro-ecology of India.


Some arguments that MSP and public procurement benefit only 6 per cent of the farmers in India and this entails huge financial outlay are also misplaced. The outlay is nothing when compared to the tax and other economic benefits given to the big corporates in India.

Nearly 60% of rural population largely earns about 16% of gross value added in Indian agriculture, which clearly indicates gross inequality in income distribution between agricultural/rural households and others. Hence, our efforts should focus on enhancing income/profit of remaining 94% farmers, while the new developments emphasize on eroding the livelihood of 6% of the farmers, who are receiving MSP backed by public procurement.

The report is a joint effort of Punjab Agricultural University Vice Chancellor Baldev Singh Dhillon and Kamal Vatta head department of economics.


The widening inequality between the rich and the poor can be gauged from the fact that half of the100 richest Indians increased their wealth by 14%, amounting to US$ 63.5 billion, even during the COVID-19 period, when majority were suffering. One is forced to think why no steps are being taken to redistribute the income from rich to poor and the focus is on so-called rich 6 per cent farmers, who are in fact extremely poor as compared to those in other sectors; what to say of corporate houses.

The assumption of improvement in market efficiency through these laws may be misplaced as in Bihar where the APMC markets were absent and food grains were sold through private traders, there were no economic gains as the farmers were unable to sell at MSP. Recent developments raise strong apprehensions of dismantling of MSP and public procurement in near future which will harm farmers in the food bowl of India, though some are of the view that public procurement is still important to meet the national food security needs. But the farmers are not willing to buy these arguments in the current scenario of mistrust.


There are theoretical expectations that new laws will facilitate crop diversification through the entry of private trade and better prices for crops. If it is so, then why it has not happened in case of crops other paddy and wheat. Taking example of two most important alternative crops, namely maize, the market prices ruled substantially lower at Rs 700-1,000 per quintal than the MSP of Rs 1,850, even when the ordinances were issued/laws have been enacted.


Crop diversification requires MSP backed by assured marketing for alternative crops or adequate compensation to the farmers for any loss due to crop shifts. This will also require better research in markets, establishing industries, and developing value chains and post-harvest infrastructure. These require large investments and long gestation period.

Kinnow and seed potato (major fruit and vegetable crop of Punjab), and poultry (broiler) are being cited as successful examples, where there is no MSP support. Majority of them are big farmers who are better informed, have better connectivity, financial strength, and can bear market shocks and cannot be compared with small-sized paddy-wheat growers.

Similarly, the success story of milk sector in Punjab cannot be completely attributed to the private sector as Verka (a cooperative undertaking) is a major player in the milk industry and acts as a price leader. Even during the lockdown, when all private traders stopped procuring milk, Verka came to the rescue of milk producers.


Following recommendations emerged in the discussions

In agriculture, the views of states should prevail as agriculture is a state subject. There is an open divergence of views of the Central government and those of some states, which needs to be avoided in the larger national interest.


There are extremely diverse agro-ecologies in the country (consider cropping system in three adjoining states: Himachal Pradesh, Punjab and Rajasthan). Thus, states are in a better position to design and implement policies tuned to their strengths and weaknesses. Implementation of uniform policy across the nation ignoring the resource endowments and agro-ecologies of the states/region may be counterproductive.


There are fears of dismantling of MSP and public procurement under new laws. As repeated verbal and written assurances are being given on its continuation, therefore, there should be no roadblock to legalize it.

It is being argued that MSP has benefited a limited number of farmers belonging to national food bowl. Efforts and programs need to be designed to raise the incomes of farmers of other regions as well, rather than focusing on depleting the livelihood of farmers of this region. The support being given to the farmers in the form of MSP and public procurement is just peanuts as compared to the incentives being given to other sectors, especially, the big corporates.


There should be a policy to narrow down the inequality between agricultural and non-agricultural sectors, by generating income opportunities and raising income levels of farmers rather than providing a platform and free hand to the larger trade and corporate houses to flourish at the cost of poor farmers.


The loss of state revenue on account of abolishing of market charges may adversely affect the infrastructure development in agriculture and rural areas. This is a major source of state revenue as industrial development got a major setback in Punjab due to huge tax rebates and incentives given to the industry in the hilly states. Thus, the state should be allowed to levy taxes on the trade of agricultural produce outside the APMC markets also.

The laws must have adequate safeguards for the farmers and the government should explore quasi-judicial forms of dispute settlement rather than leaving it to the bureaucracy.


The claim that the laws will encourage crop diversification is also misplaced. The crop diversification requires MSP backed by assured marketing for alternative crops and/or ensuring at least current level of income and livelihood to the farmers. Punjab can develop niches and follow cluster development approach. Organic products, fruits, vegetables and processed products provide a huge potential in the national and international markets. Besides capacity building of the farmers, this will, however, require better research in national as well as foreign markets for alternative crops, establishing processing industries, developing value chains at the national and global level, and comprehensive analysis of the risk and mitigation strategies of these chains.

The COVID-19 pandemic has clearly demonstrated the importance and role of public sector R&D institutions. Therefore, agricultural R&D will require huge financial resources to cater to the needs of the changing times and remain relevant.

Farmers should be compensated for ecosystem services and conservation of natural resources resulting from adoption of sustainable farming practices as these may involve fall in profits.


The special economic packages and incentives have been provided to the adjoining hilly states, which have eroded the industrial base of the state. Therefore, Punjab needs special incentives by the Centre to revive and develop industry, particularly, agro-industries. This is an essential input for diversification of paddy-wheat cropping system towards high value crops and value addition.

Punjab is a landlocked state which is far away from the seaports. This acts as a major disadvantage to the state for promoting exports due to high transportation costs. The freight subsidy and opening up of opportunities for exports through western borders will encourage crop diversification and better returns to farmers.

There is a need to create viable farm and non-farm income avenues for the rural poor so that their current level of livelihood/profits are not adversely affected. It must be ensured that their vulnerability is not aggravated.